I'm not saying the people who want them gone also wouldn't like them smaller. BUT before people who want to keep the police indefinitely started joining in for making the police smaller, the phrase "defund the police" was being used by just people who want the police abolished. And then it evolved. It's not a conspiracy, it's a timeline of events.
I mean, if that's the version of this story you want to believe, I don't think anything's going to change your mind. However, does it not strike you as very silly to believe that until some unspecified but recent point the only people who vocally supported defunding the police were "communists".
Do you think everyone has been sitting around for the past few decades watching the growing militarization and increasing political license given to police departments and never bothered to actually say "hey, maybe we should
defund the police and spend that money on fixing actual social problems". Because if so, you clearly have less faith in humanity than I do.
Like, you're not going to find within my posts here all the moral posturing you're accusing me of. We're not currently having an argument about the merits of any of these things, we are arguing here about who believes what. As best as I can tell, you're all mad at me for thinking it important to know when someone has self-identified as a communist.
As far as I can tell, noone has "self-identified" as a communist, and you've provided no evidence to the contrary save your own speculation.
But anyway, let me point out something that should be incredibly obvious.
Police abolition and work abolition aren't traditionally communist positions, they're anarchist positions. They're things anarchists have been talking about almost since before communism was a thing. (Non-anarchist) communist criticisms of the police are typically aimed at
the interests the police serve, not the institution of policing itself. Fundamentally, communists don't want to abolish the state, they want to harness and use the power of the state as a progressive instrument, police and all.
Anarchists fundamentally reject the idea that there can be a benevolent use of (centralized) state power. For most anarchists, the institution of policing is inherently coercive because police exist, above all else, to protect the state from its citizens. Police are not public servants who protect people from crimes and catch criminals (they're actually extremely bad at both those things) they exist as agents of state power. When a police officer puts on their uniform, they become a special type of person who everyone else has to obey and listen to on pain of violence. That is their role, that is their actual purpose, and that is what I and many other people think needs to be abolished.
The person who arrests criminals and solves crimes should be a citizen and a public servant who answers directly to the community they serve, not a special, legally protected class of paramilitary agent with the power to exercise violence on anyone who doesn't do what they say. Police are not the former, they are the latter. No amount of pathetic liberal hand wringing, no amount of ineffective bias or sensitivity training, is going to fundamentally change what the police are, and if you think otherwise I think you're the one who needs to check your expectations of reality.
All this has been explained to you before. I'm pretty sure I've explained it.
That isn't a relevant question in the argument between utopianism and pragmatism. One could just as easily snidely ask "Your utopia is perfect? Perfect for whom?"
Well done, that is literally the point.
Before the Enlightenment, there was no need to answer that question because no answer you could give would ever matter. The full power of the state was theoretically incarnated in a single person, and thus the policy of the state was subject only to the whim of that person. The only force which could ever hold that person to account was God, but whatever judgement God might pass was far, far away. Thus, there was no responsibility on the sovereign to conduct themselves in accordance with any morality, they lived in an amoral world of politics in which power itself was its own justification.
The Enlightenment reinjected morality into politics. It let people imagine the possibility of a society or a government which was not just powerful, but also
good. Government could no longer afford to be subject only to the theatrical whims of a bored monarch, it now had to take responsibility for delivering the
good that its people wanted, and if the government failed in that duty, the possibility now existed of replacing it with a government that would.
Liberalism is utopian. It has always been utopian, because utopianism is just the merging of politics and morality. The American revolution was not a petty political squabble between rival autocrats, it was dressed up as a moral struggle, the struggle for a
good society, full of
good things like freedom and individual rights. The French revolution tore down the façade of European absolutism and showed the enormous (and terrible) power of a population united not by the fear of sovereign power but by belief in a common
good. Pragmatism, the ability to separate politics and morality or to treat power as simply power without moral responsibility governing its use, could never compete and has never competed.
Politics, at the end of the day, is a poor motivator. People will obey power simply because it exists, but only reluctantly and without passion. The best and most powerful way to motivate large groups of people has always been morality, and a politics based on morality is stronger and, ironically, more pragmatic.