Democracy in a Divided Australia (4/5)
I'm going to admit from the outset that this book ended up catering to my pre-existing thoughts on the state of things. It's not like I intentionally sought it out, but it does summize my own thoughts on a lot of things. Regardless, it's still well written, if a bit broad.
So, anyway, the author makes the following arguments/observations (summed up):
-Australia (note: this can largely apply to the Angloshere as a whole) can be divided between "Inners" and "Outers." In other words, it's the author's own terms for the "Anywheres" and the "Somewheres."
-Inners make up 20-30% of the population, but have disproportionate political influence. Inners tend to be university educated, inner city dwellers, more likely to travel overseas, less patriotic, less attached to one's personal culture, more cosmopolitan, less connected to neighbours, etc.
-Outers make up the remaining 70-80%. Tend to be rural and outer city dwellers. Less likely to be university educated, less financially secure, more patriotic, more attracted to personal community, etc. These people are grossly under-represented in the political process.
-Both Inners and Outers live in their own bubbles and have little contact with each other, facilitated in part by social media. As the author puts it (paraphrased), "Inners watch opera, Outers watch Oprah." This translates to the workplace (e.g. looking at the university sector, and the dearth (3%) of professors who could be considered right of centre).
-The old left-right divide has little relevance to the politics of the modern era, and in a sense, the Labor and Liberal parties have had a reversal in their bases. Labor tends to attract "Inners," rather than the old working class, while Liberal tends to attract "Outers," rather than the middle/business class. In other words, the Outers and Inners tend to follow their party affiliation based on culture more than material status.
-Neoliberalism has been misconstrued. In the Reagan/Thatcher era, government spending went up. What did occur, however, is that governments got in bed with big business.
-By extension, socialism is pretty much dead, and is only really supported by the middle class, with no interest from the working class. While this comes off as anecdotal, the author cites the Socialist Alternative for Australia as middle class individuals who actively look down on the working class, who are simply too ignorant to understand what's actually good for them.
-Inners have brought immense benefits to Australia - we're more cospopolitan, we've had over 20 years without a recession, we've benefitted from globalization, etc. However, on the flipside, people are disengaged from politics.
-Too many people go to university, and there's a mismatch of uni graduates to jobs available. Alternate pathways should be encouraged, and there should be less emphasis on uni as the be all and end all of employment.
-The Greens and One Nation are mirror images of each other. The Greens are an example of what the author calls a "post-materialist party, in that the issues it campaigns on (environment, LGBT rights, indigenous rights) don't have much relevance to the everyday person. Greens supporters are basically inner city elites - wealthy, unlikely to be involved in physical work, etc.
-One Nation is the party of the disaffected working class, feeling left behind culturally and economically. Far more likely to have support in rural areas, generally anti-government, etc. The author claims that Greens and One Nation voters mutually loathe each other, and calls the Greens "the disaffected elite" (voters upset that Labor isn't progressive enough) while One Nation is the "disaffected anti-elite" (those who feel left behind and not listened to).
-Identity politics have been a disaster. Not too much time is spent on this, but the book references how it's reinforced tribalism, and has become more self-fulfilling. As in, say "all of X are Y," then members of X are more likely to become Y, because they're constantly told as such. Y usually being homophobic, racist, sexist, etc.
So after all that, what's the author's perscriptions? IMO, this is the book at its weakest, because it mostly comes off as a weak defence of small L liberalism. The irony of this being is that, generally in my experience, liberalism is under assault from all sides, from the right, from the left, and various 'tribes' in society. He does suggest the idea of allowing more local government, so in order to be more responsive to people's needs, but while the book is very good at pointing out cultural and political faultlines, I don't think it's as good as finding solutions for them.
So, yeah. I imagine that a lot of people on these forums will take umbrage with these claims (and I don't necessarily agree with all of them), but overall, the book's a solid, if broad read. I don't think Australia is in the same malaise as, say, the US (insanely polarized) or the UK (in a state of cultural rot), but the warning signs are there.