Asita said:
No, I'm saying that Donald Trump was trying to have McGahn go on the record as saying that Donald Trump hadn't told him to get rid of Mueller, when McGahn felt that to be a false statement and Trump understood that McGahn believed such a statement would be a lie. Not to pretend that he wanted Mueller to be the Special Counsel. There's a severe difference between the two.
But Trump was trying to get rid of Mueller. That's not a secret Trump was keeping, he had made appeals in official channels to have Mueller disqualified as special counsel. I know "I didn't say Fire" sounds like the Moops defense [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f0uYJjDHeDU], but there is a substantive difference between saying to get rid of someone and saying to fire. Hell, saying "get rid of him" is just as likely to be an assassination order as it is an order to fire someone. It takes a level of interpretation for McGahn to understand Trump's words in that way. Trump wanted Mueller gone, he wasn't hiding his desire to have Mueller gone, but there's a difference between that and ordering him fired, which he didn't do.
The critical issue isn't whether McGahn thought it was a lie, it's whether Trump thought it was a lie. Let's say, for arguments sake, McGahn is a crazy person who told the press that Donald Trump is a lizard person. If the press than published articles that Donald Trump is a lizard person, would Trump be wrong to demand a correction? Even if McGahn thought it to be true that Trump is a lizard person, it wouldn't be wrong to ask him to take back that factually incorrect statement.
Consequentially, it was that implication that mattered, not the analogy you were using to try and convey it.
Yes, the idea was to take your opinion of the person out of the equation because I think your opinion of Trump has clouded your judgment, but you never actually acknowledged the point once the character of the person is accounted for. I don't think that if a person you liked (I picked Lincoln) asked for a public correction to a story you believed to be false (I made up Lincoln pizzagate) you would find that demand to be legally or ethically questionable. Someone believing a story to be a lie is motive enough to want it corrected. If someone demands a correction to a story they believe is false, there intent is likely to have the truth displayed publicly. You have to believe that Donald Trump was ordering McGahn to say something that Trump thought was a lie before you get to criminal intent. Trump told him to correct the story with what he believed to be true. McGahn refused because he didn't believe the same thing. Neither committed a crime.
This is getting quite ridiculous, tstorm, and the blame is at least partially my own. This last exchange has focused almost entirely on you and me and rather than the actual topic, and I believe we're both getting quite frustrated with each other. In truth, I expect this is increasingly looking like a schoolyard brawl and neither of us is coming off particularly well. I retain the above to defend myself, and I've tried to prune back accusations or implications that might cause offence (though I naturally cannot guarantee my success in doing so).
While I won't begrudge you responding to anything in the above that you might find objectionable (Considering this very post, I'd be a hypocrite to do so), I think it's clear that the conversation has long since run its course and I suggest we both take a deep breath and bow out of the conversation shortly.
For what it's worth, I feel I did lose my cool and vented some of my frustrations onto you, and I do apologize for that.
Well, it's better than getting triplicate accusations of gaslighting people in the other thread.
I confess, I have no excuse for questionable things said. I just genuinely enjoy the back-and-forth of an argument. Not to say I'm defending positions I don't believe, but I'm in it for the intellectual tennis match, and I may have gone a bit overboard matching intensity at the "you haven't even read it" part of the argument.
To give a sort of closing statement here, I feel we can say firmly that none of the potentially obstructive acts have shielded Trump from investigation, and I don't personally believe for any of them that Trump did those things with the intent to shield himself from investigation. I think Trump very publicly hated the Mueller investigation and wanted it over but said he wouldn't interfere, and I think that perspective of hating the investigation/wanting it over/not interfering is a much more straightforward explanation for the things Trump said that could be taken as attempted obstruction. And if you tried to make a criminal case of this, in the absence of successful obstruction, your case would depend entirely on proving to a court that he intended to interfere in the investigation, and I don't think you could possibly win that case.
Agema said:
I don't think "contradiction" is the right word.
Memory just isn't that precise, especially 30 years down the road. Ask anyone about incidents in their lives, unless there's a particularly salient reason otherwise, they're likely remember things happened in approximate areas of their lives, not highly specific times. Times could be narrowed down or clarified with additional thought and concentration, but most people wouldn't bother unless it were important and relevant at the time. With this in mind, "mid-80s" and 1982, or 15 and "late teens" I would call not inconsistent rather than a contradiction. The article also suggests Kavanaugh's name was mentioned in the therapy session in 2012, long before Feinstein was ever contacted.
Well I'm not suggesting Feinstein planted the idea that it was Kavanaugh. Feinstein was contacted because Ford already thought it was Kavanaugh. I think Feinstein or the lawyers she recommended noticed that mid-80s was the wrong timeline for Kavanaugh to be the assailant and convinced her to change the timeline. To invent an imaginary dialogue:
Lawyer: Are you sure this didn't happen in the early 80s?
Ford: I'm not sure what year it happened in exactly.
L: Did you remember driving to and from the party?
F: No, I don't remember that.
L: Then you must not have had a license yet.
F: I guess I was less than 16 then.
L: Exactly, so it would have been in the early 80s. But after you reached high school, so it would be 1982.
F: I guess that makes sense.
And bam! They've reconciled the problem of the timeline in the direction that they needed it to go, in a way that she thinks she's remembering it. It wasn't for no reason that the sex crimes prosecutor the Republicans brought in ended her questions the way she did. (note, she prosecutes sex crimes, that means her career is defending sex crime victims. I don't mean to assume people here don't understand that, but I've had some very intelligent friends of mine gut react "they brought a prosecutor to interrogate her!") The last bit she said to Ford was about how the correct way to handle this would be one on one with someone like that prosecutor in a private setting where Ford did most of the talking, to establish the most accurate understanding of events and not have the pressure of opposition or let people implant ideas in her memory.
As far as why Ford would identify Kavanaugh as her rapist if it wasn't really him, it could very well be that she didn't really identify him as her attacker until he became a public figure later. By her own account, she only interacted with Kavanaugh at a few summer parties. Perhaps she accidentally associated him directly with the assault when he became a successful public figure from a social group she'd reasonably rather forget about entirely. It's certainly all conjecture on my part at this point.