I don't see why we need to stand by and watch a country go communist due to the irresponsibility of its people. The issues are much too important for the Chilean voters to be left to decide for themselves. Henry Kissinger.
Funny events in anti-woke world
- Thread starter Agema
- Start date
Yes, and the price is still the price if people can't afford it. As for how much Novo Nordisk is making-- I've provided their profit margin and their net income. Both are extremely high. And their pricing is much, much higher for the US than elsewhere, so it's not difficult to see where they're getting most of that income.
If you're talking about the 8k, that hasn't been disproven. It's one (educated) estimate. Just like yours is one educated estimate.
So instead, you think I should place more trust in... insurance salesmen, and you, a rando on the internet with no expertise or authority on the topic whatsoever?
Might as well throw the other countries he "destabilised" consistently enabling/nurturing RW fascist takeovers and genocides they still suffer under to this day
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Vietnam
Kissinger won a Nobel Peace Prize for negotiating a ceasefire in Vietnam in 1973. But that war might actually have ended four years earlier had he not enabled Nixon’s plan to “monkey wrench” President Lyndon B Johnson’s peace negotiations. In 1969, Nixon was elected president, and Kissinger was promoted to the role of national security adviser. The prolonged war cost the lives of millions of Vietnamese, Cambodians and Laotians.
Cambodia
Kissinger’s expansion of the war set the scene for the genocidal rule of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, which seized power from a US-backed military regime and went on to kill a fifth of the population – two million people. Cambodians had been driven into the hands of the communist movement by Kissinger and Nixon’s carpet-bombing campaign, which killed hundreds of thousands of people. To this day, people are still dying from unexploded US ordinance.
Bangladesh
In 1970, Bengali nationalists in what was then known as East Pakistan won elections. Fearing a loss of control, the military government in West Pakistan launched a murderous crackdown. Kissinger and Nixon stood staunchly behind the slaughter, choosing not to warn the generals to hold back. Motivated by Pakistan’s usefulness as a counterweight to China and to Soviet-leaning India, Kissinger was unmoved by the killing of 300,000 to three million people. Captured in a secret recording, he voiced disdain for people who “bleed” for “the dying Bengalis”.
Cyprus
Home to Greek and Turkish populations, Cyprus had seen ethnic violence throughout the 1960s. In 1974, after a coup by Greece’s ruling military government, Turkish troops moved in. Kissinger effectively encouraged a crisis between the two NATO allies, advising newly installed President Ford to appease Turkey. “The Turkish tactics are right – grab what they want and then negotiate on the basis of possession,” he is reported to have said. Together, the Greek coup and the Turkish invasion resulted in thousands of casualties.
East Timor
In 1975, Kissinger greenlit President Suharto of Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor, a former Portuguese colony moving towards independence. During a visit to Jakarta, Kissinger and Ford told Suharto, a brutal dictator and close ally in the battle against communism, that they understood his reasons, advising him to get it over and done with quickly. The next day, Suharto moved in with his US-equipped army, killing 200,000 East Timorese.
Israel
When the October War in 1973 broke out when a coalition of Arab nations led by Egypt and Syria attacked Israel, Kissinger led the Nixon administration’s response. He pushed back against the Pentagon’s attempts to delay the shipment of arms to Israel, rushing through weapons that helped the Israeli army reverse early losses and reach within 100km (62 miles) of Cairo. A ceasefire followed. His shuttle diplomacy between Egypt, other Arab nations and Israel is often credited with paving the way for the eventual signing of the Camp David Accords in 1978. By then, Kissinger was out of office, but in 1981, he explained that at the heart of his diplomacy in the Middle East was a simple policy objective — to “isolate the Palestinians” from their Arab neighbours and friends.
Argentina
No longer in office after Jimmy Carter succeeded Ford as president in 1976, Kissinger continued to endorse murder, giving his seal of approval to the neo-fascist Argentinian military, which had overthrown the government of President Isabel Peron that same year. The military government waged a dirty war against leftists, branding dissidents as “terrorists”. During a visit to Argentina in 1978, Kissinger flattered dictator Jorge Rafael Videla, lauding him for his efforts in combatting “terrorism”. Videla would oversee the disappearance of up to 30,000 opponents. About 10,000 people died during the military’s rule, which lasted until 1983.
Southern Africa
During most of his time in the Nixon and Ford administrations, Kissinger didn’t appear to have given Africa much thought. But in 1976, as his time in office drew to a close, he visited South Africa, bestowing political legitimacy on the apartheid government shortly after the Soweto uprising, which saw Black schoolchildren and others gunned down by police. While he did force Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith into accepting majority Black rule, he cleaved close to South Africa’s apartheid government in its support for Unita rebels fighting the Marxist-Leninist People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola. That war lasted 27 years, one of the longest and most brutal of the past century.
China
Kissinger is often praised for brokering the US-China detente. After an initial visit to Beijing in 1972, he helped re-establish diplomatic ties in 1979. Chinese President Xi Jinping has described him as an “old friend”. However, the protesters who camped out at Tiananmen Square in 1989 remember him less fondly. In the immediate aftermath of the massacre – which killed anywhere between several hundred and several thousand people – he offered a glimpse of the cold, hard realpolitik that characterised his approach to diplomacy. The crackdown, he said, was “inevitable”. “No government in the world would have tolerated having the main square of its capital occupied for eight weeks by tens of thousands of demonstrators,” he said. China, he said, needed the US, and the US needed China.
Further Chile elaboration
Kissinger’s obsession with Chile enabled a murderous dictatorship that still haunts the country
It’s hard to overestimate the role Henry Kissinger played in Chile. A former Chilean diplomat describes the mark that the powerful statesman made in his country and elsewhere in the Global South.
theconversation.com
Obvs even that can't cover all the horror, there a thorough 6-part behind the bastards podcast series on the guy that may be easiest format to multitask to for any curious.Noticing my nonappearance at the start of a black-tie dinner at the Johannesburg home of Harry Oppenheimer, a mining magnate and Africa’s richest man, the host assumed I was boycotting the event on principle. It was a reasonable assumption: I was the Chilean ambassador to South Africa, and Henry Kissinger was the chief guest.
By then, a quarter century had passed since the military coup that toppled the democratically elected Chilean President Salvador Allende – an event that gave rise to Gen. Augusto Pinochet’s brutal 17-year-long military dictatorship – but the issue still lingered. Many Chileans bitterly remembered the role of the U.S. government, and of Kissinger in particular, in the breakdown of Chilean democracy.
It was something Kissinger himself acknowledged during that dinner – which I did attend, just late due to encountering a hailstorm. Kissinger explained that he always declined invitations to visit my home country out of fear over what “Allende Chileans” would do to him.
Plenty of Chileans still despise Kissinger. On news of his death at the age of 100 on Nov. 29, 2023, Juan Gabriel Valdes, Chile’s ambassador to the U.S., summed up that sentiment when he posted in Spanish on X, the platform previously known as Twitter: “A man has died whose historical brilliance never managed to conceal his profound moral misery.”
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It’s hard to overestimate the role Kissinger played in Chile. As national security adviser and secretary of state during the Nixon and Ford administrations, he oversaw policies that helped install and then prop up a dictator.
Chile’s 1973 coup
Upon Allende’s election on Sept. 4, 1970, Kissinger became obsessed with blocking his inauguration. The measures approved by Kissinger included a botched kidnapping attempt of Chilean Army Chief René Schneider, engineered by the Central Intelligence Agency, that ended with the general’s assassination.
Kissinger insisted on a hard line with the Allende administration. He did everything possible to make the “Chilean road to socialism” fail, among other things, by “making the economy scream,” as President Richard Nixon put it.
After a meeting with Kissinger in November 1970, a CIA cable to its station in Santiago stated that “it is firm and continuing policy that Allende be overthrown in a coup.”
The CIA’s covert financing of Chilean opposition parties, funding of the country’s right-wing media and support for the 1972 truckers strike that snarled the nation’s freight and commerce for months were amply documented by a U.S. Senate committee a few years after the coup.
Not content with having helped to topple Allende, Kissinger then wholeheartedly supported Pinochet’s regime.
When the U.S. ambassador to Chile relayed his efforts to persuade the military to act less brutally against political prisoners, Kissinger wrote on the margins of the cable, “… cut out the political science lectures.” At a 1976 Organization of American States meeting in Santiago, far from urging Pinochet to tone down his regime’s repression, as some of Kissinger’s staff had recommended he do, he told the general, “we want to help, not undermine you.”
Operation Condor
Kissinger’s support for repressive military dictatorships extended beyond Chile’s borders.
Argentina’s dictator Gen. Jorge Rafael Videla, right, confers with Chile’s Gen. Augusto Pinochet, in Mendoza, Argentina, in 1978. AP Photo/Eduardo Di Baia
He supported Operation Condor, an international undertaking that coordinated intelligence and operations among many of South America’s right-wing military regimes – Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, Bolivia and Uruguay – from 1975 to 1983. The operations contributed to the widespread detention, torture and murder of many left-wing opposition activists across three continents.
By September 1976, the excesses of Operation Condor were clear, and the U.S. State Department prepared an important diplomatic message, known as a demarche, strongly objecting to the repressive policies. Amazingly, Kissinger stopped it in its tracks. It was never delivered to those foreign ministries – and the timing was ominous.
Five days later, on Sept. 21, 1976, Orlando Letelier, an exiled Chilean diplomat who had served as Allende’s ambassador to the U.S. and in his cabinet in three different roles, was assassinated in Washington, D.C. He died after a bomb blew up the car he was driving – fatally injuring him and a colleague, Ronni Karpen Moffitt. Letelier was giving her and her husband, Michael Moffitt, a ride to work. Michael was thrown from the vehicle but survived.
Preceding 9/11 by 25 years, the Letelier assassination was the first foreign-sponsored terrorist act on U.S. soil. Years of investigations revealed that Chile’s secret police planned and executed the plot to get rid of a prominent political figure with influential contacts in Washington, D.C.
Chilean President Gabriel Boric touches a memorial to Orlando Letelier and Ronni Karpen Moffitt at Sheridan Circle in Washington, D.C., in 2023. AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana
Breaking the mold
Mocking Chile’s supposed lack of strategic significance, Kissinger once dismissed the long and narrow country as “a dagger pointing straight at the heart of Antarctica.” Yet, he devoted full chapters to Chile in each of the first two volumes of his memoirs.
What made Kissinger take such deadly aim at Allende was his new political model, a “peaceful road to socialism.”
It represented something else entirely from the revolutionary movements that were coming to the fore in Africa, Asia and Latin America. In Chile, an established and stable democracy had elected a Socialist president with an ambitious program of social and economic reforms.
Allende’s Popular Unity coalition, which brought together an array of leftist and left-of-center political parties, could easily be replicated in Europe, in countries like France and Italy, leading to anti-U.S. governments – Washington’s worst nightmare. In this, Kissinger was not wrong. French Socialist leader Francois Mitterrand visited Chile in 1971, met with Allende, recreated such a coalition in France and repeatedly won presidential elections.
Successful democratic socialist countries did not fit Kissinger’s long-held design for the world, inspired by his realist perspective, to create a balance of power between the United States, Europe, the Soviet Union, China and Japan.
This view sprang from his studies of Europe’s long peace in the 19th century, which was anchored in a balance of power between Great Britain, France, Prussia, Russia and Austria-Hungary.
To Kissinger, what in the 1970s was called the Third World, and today is known as the Global South, played no role in this grand design – to him, nothing important could come from the South. History was shaped by the great powers, such as the U.S., China and the Soviet Union.
Big body count
It is estimated that more than 3,000 people were killed by Chile’s military dictatorship, at least 1,000 of whom are still “disappeared” – meaning their bodies were never found.
These numbers pale in comparison to the estimated 30,000 deaths in Argentina under its junta; the hundreds of thousands of deaths in Cambodia caused by the U.S. bombings directed by Kissinger; the millions who died in Bangladesh in their 1971 war of independence against a U.S.-backed Pakistan; and the estimated 200,000 killed by the Indonesian armed forces in East Timor in 1975 with Kissinger’s explicit approval.
They were casualties of the misguided geopolitical obsessions of a man blinded by a 19th century European view of world affairs. That perspective casts all developing nations as mere pawns in the games played by the great powers.
To this day, Chile lives under the shadow of Pinochet’s 1980 constitution, which greatly expanded presidential powers and enshrined the neoliberal economic model he imposed on the country. On Dec. 17, 2023, Chileans will vote for a second time in two years on a referendum that could replace Pinochet’s constitution with a new one.
However.
Henry Kissinger’s Documented Legacy | National Security Archive
Washington D.C., May 25, 2023 - As Henry Alfred Kissinger (HAK) reaches 100 years of age, his centennial is generating global coverage of his legacy as a leading statesman, master diplomat, and realpolitik foreign policy strategist. “Nobody alive has more experience of international affairs,” as...
nsarchive.gwu.edu
Ok that list keeps going, ain't gonna fit. May yet provide a hint as to why the rest of the world doesn't trust America (and by extension the UK) when it claims moral world superiority.I. SECRET BOMBING AND WIRETAPS
Document 1.1
White House, Telcon, [Summary of Kissinger Conveying Nixon Order to Commence Secret Bombing of Cambodia to Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird], March 15, 1969
Mar 15, 1969
Source
Digital National Security Archive (DNSA), The Kissinger Telephone Conversations: A Verbatim Record of U.S. Diplomacy, 1969-1977.
After receiving an order from President Nixon at 3:35pm on March 15, 1969, for “immediate implementation of Breakfast plan,” Kissinger transmits Nixon’s decision to begin the secret bombing of Cambodia, to the Secretary of Defense. “K said to lay on above for Monday afternoon our time, Tuesday morning their time. L said he would,” according to the summary. Kissinger warns Laird that “there is to be no public comment at all from anyone at any level, either complaining or threatening.” This is intended to be a TOP SECRET operation.
Document 1.2
White House, Telcon, “The President Mr. Kissinger 3-17-69 1:20 PM,” [Kissinger briefing to Nixon on preparations for first secret bombing raid over Cambodia], March 17, 1969
Mar 17, 1969
Source
DNSA, The Kissinger Telephone Conversations: A Verbatim Record of U.S. Diplomacy, 1969-1977.
Only hours before the first secret aerial bombing of Cambodia, Kissinger briefs Nixon on preparations. “K said it is all in order,” according to the summary of their phone conversation. The two comment on how South Vietnamese president Nguyen Van Thieu has already agreed to private talks.
Document 1.3
White House, Telcon, “3/18/69 8 p.m. General Wheeler,” [Briefing Kissinger on Success of First Bombing Raids], March 18, 1969
Mar 18, 1969
Source
DNSA, The Kissinger Telephone Conversations: A Verbatim Record of U.S. Diplomacy, 1969-1977.
Kissinger gets a short briefing from Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Earle Wheeler on the success of the initial bombing raids. He advises the military to undertake additional “hits.” “HAK said they should put in 2 or 3 more hits along the whole area if we get the right intelligence.” Kissinger also shares his assessment of the impact of the sudden, secret raids: “Psychologically, the impact must have been something,” he states. In response, General Wheeler suggests the shock of the bombing will force the North Vietnamese back to the Paris peace talks: “Wheeler said they probably already had their speech written for Paris.”
Document 1.4
NSC, Telcon, Kissinger and President Richard M. Nixon, December 9, 1970, 8:45 p.m.
Dec 9, 1970
Source
DNSA, Nixon Presidential Materials Project, Henry A. Kissinger Telephone Conversations Transcripts, Home File, Box 29, File 2
In the wake of a year of secret bombing raids, President Nixon remains anxious about the Cambodian situation. In this telephone call, Nixon orders Kissinger to direct bombing attacks on North Vietnamese forces there ”tomorrow.” He wanted to ”hit everything there,” using the ”big planes” and the ”small planes.” ”I don't want any screwing around,” Nixon says.
Document 1.5
White House, Telcon, Kissinger and General Alexander M. Haig, Jr., December 9, 1970, 8:50 p.m.
Dec 9, 1970
Source
DNSA, Nixon Presidential Materials Project, Henry A. Kissinger Telephone Conversations Transcripts, Home File, Box 29, File 2, 106-10
A few minutes after receiving Nixon’s call on Cambodia, Kissinger telephones his military assistant, Alexander Haig, about the orders from ”our friend.” After he describes Nixon’s instructions for a ”massive bombing campaign” involving ”anything that flys [sic] on anything that moves,” the notetaker apparently heard Haig ”laughing.” Both Haig and Kissinger knew that what Nixon had ordered was logistically and politically impossible so they translated it into a plan for massive bombing in a particular district (not identifiable because the text is incomplete). These two phone calls illustrate an important feature of the Nixon-Kissinger relationship: while Nixon would, from time to time, make preposterous suggestions (no doubt depending on his mood), Kissinger would later decide whether there was a rational kernel in what Nixon had said and whether, and/or how, to follow up.
Document 1.6
FBI, Memorandum, “Colonel Alexander M. Haig Technical Surveillance Request,” TOP SECRET, May 12, 1969
May 12, 1969
Source
Elliot Richardson Papers, LIbrary of Congress.
FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover transmits a TOP SECRET report to Attorney General John Mitchell on Kissinger’s request for telephone surveillance on four U.S. officials “to determine if a serious security problem exists.” According to the memo, the names have been brought to the FBI by Kissinger’s military deputy, Col Alexander Haig, who states that the matter is “of most grave and serious consequence to our national security.” Nixon and Kissinger had directed the FBI to begin a leak investigation and wiretaps almost immediately after the New York Times broke the story on the secret bombing raids over Cambodia.
Document 1.7
FBI, J. Edgar Hoover Wiretap Surveillance Report to President Nixon, TOP SECRET May 11, 1970
May 11, 1970
Source
Richard Nixon Presidential Library Mandatory Declassification Review Request
In one of a series of reports to President Nixon on individuals targeted for wiretap surveillance by Kissinger’s office, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover shares information on three individuals: London Sunday Times reporter Harry Brandon; Kissinger’s former aide Morton Halperin, and State Department official William Sullivan, who is overheard speaking to former ambassador W. Averell Harriman. The wiretaps capture innocuous conversations by Brandon’s wife about opposition to Kissinger’s Vietnam policies among his former Harvard colleagues, and Halperin’s plans to quietly resign from the White House staff where he has been a part time consultant since stepping down as a top specialist on Kissinger’s NSC. The wiretap on Sullivan produces information that Ambassador Harriman plans to host a gathering at his home of State Department officials who had signed a letter of protest against the secret bombing of Cambodia. The FBI subsequently uses this information to physically surveil the meeting at Harriman’s house—a fact that emerges in congressional hearings on the wiretap scandal four years later.
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Document 1.8
White House, Telcon, “The President/Mr. Kissinger 7:00pm., June 1, 1973 [Discussing wiretap scandal]
Jun 1, 1973
Source
DNSA, Nixon Presidential Materials Project, Henry A. Kissinger Telephone Conversations
After the wiretap scandal breaks into the media, Nixon orders a report on wiretapping under previous administrations. He calls Kissinger in anger to tell him: “Let’s get away from the bullshit. Bobby Kennedy was the greatest tapper.” He accuses the former attorney general of tapping the phones of 300 people in 1963 and tells Kissinger that he is going to publish the names of those individuals Kennedy had placed under surveillance. “And let the[se] assholes know that they’re going to get this, Henry.” Kissinger responds: “I think you should.” “They started it,” Nixon reiterates. “They want to have a g[ood] fight; they’re going to get one, Henry, you understand.”
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Document 1.9
White House, Telcon, “Attorney General Levi/Secretary Kissinger, March 13, 1976, Time: 4:13 p.m. [Conversation about Halperin lawsuit on illegal wiretaps]
Mar 13, 1976
Source
DNSA, Nixon Presidential Materials Project, Henry A. Kissinger Telephone Conversations
In one of a number of conversations with Attorney General Edward Levi, Kissinger complains about how the Justice Department is handling the Halperin suit against him. Halperin’s lawyers are telling the press that there are “inconsistencies” between his story and other testimony in the case [likely witnesses such as Alexander Haig stating that Kissinger provided the names for the FBI of individuals to be put under surveillance as potential leakers.] Kissinger complains that the lawsuit is undermining his ability to do his job. “Right now the Secretary of State is being accused of lying, perjury, [and] conflicts are being printed in newspapers,” he tells the Attorney General. “I had a senior official of the Russian Embassy ask me whether my effectiveness was being damaged the other day.” Kissinger adds: “My philosophy is when in doubt attack.”
“My philosophy is when in doubt attack.”
Chile’s ruler Augusto Pinochet meeting U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in Santiago, June 8, 1976 (Wikimedia Commons)
II. KISSINGER AND CHILE
Chile is arguably the Achilles heel of Kissinger's legacy. The declassified historical record leaves no doubt that HAK was the chief architect of U.S. efforts to destabilize the democratically elected government of Salvador Allende. In the weeks before Allende was inaugurated, CIA documents reveal, Kissinger supervised covert operations—codenamed FUBELT—to foment a military coup that led directly to the assassination of Chile’s commander-in-chief of the Army, General René Schneider. After initial coup plotting failed, Kissinger personally convinced Nixon to reject the State Department’s position that Washington could establish a modus vivendi with Allende, and to authorize clandestine intervention to “intensify Allende’s problems so that at a minimum he may fail or be forced to limit his aims, and at a maximum might create conditions in which collapse or overthrow might be feasible,” as Kissinger’s talking points called for him to tell the National Security Council, three days after Allende’s inauguration. The U.S. “created the conditions as great as possible,” Kissinger informed Nixon only days after Allende was overthrown 50 years ago on September 11, 1973. “In the Eisenhower period, we would be heroes,” he added.
Kissinger designed U.S. policy to keep Allende from consolidating his elected government; but once General Augusto Pinochet’s forces violently took power, the documents demonstrate, Kissinger reconfigured U.S. policy to assist the consolidation of a brutal military dictatorship. “I think we should understand our policy—that however unpleasant they act, this government is better for us than Allende was,” he told his deputies as they reported to him on the human rights atrocities in the weeks following the coup. At a private June 1976 meeting with Pinochet in Santiago, Kissinger told the Chilean dictator: “My evaluation is that you are a victim of all left-wing groups around the world and that your greatest sin was that you overthrew a government which was going communist.”
“We want to help, not undermine you,” Kissinger informed the General, disregarding advice from his own ambassador to give Pinochet a direct, tough message on human rights. “You did a great service to the West in overthrowing Allende.”
(Images gone for now)
Document 2.1
White House, Telcon, Conversation on Blocking Allende between National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger and Secretary of State William Rogers, September 12, 1970.
Sep 12, 1970
Source
DNSA
Only days after Salvador Allende’s election, Kissinger speaks to Secretary of State William Rogers about plans to block his inauguration. Rogers reluctantly agrees that the CIA should “encourage a different result” in Chile but warns it should be done discreetly lest U.S. intervention against a democratically elected government be exposed. Kissinger firmly tells Rogers that “the president’s view is to do the maximum possible to prevent an Allende takeover, but through Chilean sources and with a low posture.” (Note: this page of the telcon has been misdated as September 14; page 1 makes it clear that the conversation took place on September 12, 1970.)
Document 2.2
NSC, Memorandum, “Chile—40 Committee Meeting, Monday – September 14,” SECRET, September 14, 1970
Sep 14, 1970
Source
Clinton Administration Chile Declassification Project
In a memorandum to prepare Henry Kissinger for a 40 Committee meeting on covert options to block Allende’s inauguration in Chile, his top deputy for Latin America, Viron Vaky, takes the opportunity to warn against U.S. efforts to block Allende. In addition to the costs of possible exposure to the reputation of the United States abroad, he advances a bold moral argument: “What we propose is patently a violation of our own principles and policy tenets.” Over the coming days, weeks, and months, Kissinger will chair the 40 Committee meetings determining and overseeing covert operations to undermine Allende’s presidency.
Document 2.3
CIA, Helms Notes, “Meeting with President on Chile at 15:25 Sept 15, ’70, Present: John Mitchell + Henry Kissinger,” September 15, 1970
Sep 15, 1970
Source
Senate Select Committee to Study Government Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, Covert Action in Chile, 1963-1973.
On September 15, 1970, Kissinger participates in a fifteen-minute Oval Office meeting with President Nixon and CIA director Richard Helms on Chile. Notes taken by the CIA director record Nixon’s orders to the CIA to “make the economy scream” and to prevent Allende from being inaugurated as president of Chile. Nixon directs Helms to put together a “game plan” in 48 hours, which is then shared with Kissinger who becomes the de facto supervisor of the initial CIA efforts to foment a military coup before the inauguration in early November.
Document 2.4
CIA, Memorandum of Conversation, “Dr. Kissinger, Mr. Karamessines, Gen. Haig at the White House—15 October 1970,” SECRET, October 15, 1970
Oct 15, 1970
Source
Senate Select Committee to Study Government Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, Covert Action in Chile, 1963-1973.
This memorandum of conversation summarizes a meeting between Henry Kissinger, his deputy, Alexander Haig, and the CIA's Thomas Karamessines to evaluate the status of coup plotting in Chile. The key plotter who is receiving CIA support, retired General Roberto Viaux, “did not have more than one chance in twenty-perhaps less-to launch a successful coup,” Karamessines reports. After Kissinger lists the negative consequences of a failed coup, they decide to send a message to Viaux warning him not to take precipitate action and advising him that “The time will come when you with all your other friends can do something. You will continue to have our support.“ Dr. Kissinger instructs Karamessines that the CIA “should continue keeping the pressure on every Allende weak spot in sight—now, after the 24th of October, after 5 November and into the future…” A CIA report cabled to Santiago immediately following the Kissinger meeting states that “it is firm and continuing policy that Allende be overthrown by a coup.”
Document 2.5
United States District Court for the District of Columbia, Civil Complaint, Rene Schneider et al, v. Henry Alfred Kissinger and the United States of America, "First Amended Complaint for Summary Execution, Torture, Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment, Arbitrary Detention, Assault and Battery, Negligence, Intentional Infliction of Emotional Distress, Wrongful Death," November 12, 2002
Nov 12, 2002
Source
United States District Court for the District of Columbia
The covert CIA operation that Kissinger supervised to foment a coup before Allende’s inauguration led directly to the assassination of the pro-Constitution Chilean commander-in-chief of the Army, General Rene Schneider. On September 10, 2001, the sons of General Schneider, Raul and Rene Schneider, filed a civil lawsuit against Henry Kissinger and the U.S. government for the “wrongful death“ of their father. This complaint, as amended in November 2002, cited the declassified U.S. record as evidence of liability in the case. According to the petition: “Recently declassified U.S. government documents and congressional reports have provided Plaintiffs with the information necessary to bring this action. The documents show that the knowing practical assistance and encouragement provided by the United States and the official ultra vires acts of Henry Kissinger resulted in General Schneider’s summary execution, torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, arbitrary detention, assault and battery, negligence, intentional infliction of emotional distress, and wrongful death.” The civil lawsuit was eventually dismissed because the judges ruled that Kissinger had immunity for actions he took as part of his official responsibilities as national security advisor to the President.
Meritorious holidays and/or jesusmass?
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This is how it started in the other (now far) more comprised western countries, people raising alarms about it were ignored or smeared and look where we at now. Would highly recommend resisting it at every chance, I don't know how or what's best tactics but am acutely aware relying on current information systems/networks vulnerable to corporate/"libertarian" capture has not helped at all, like it also didn't in Germany pre-WW2. Either that or buckle up I guess. Am trying very hard to not develop Cassandra complex here lol - would love to be wrong
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I'm not disagreeing that their profit margin is high and that they make more from the US than other countries. I'm saying they don't get 8k/year per person using the drug as you claimed. Novo Nordisk had to explain to Bernie Sanders how the pricing works, they don't get 8k/year for the drug. You're simply wrong, just admit it.
I didn't say to trust insurance companies, I'm saying they aren't always wrong and doctors aren't always right; and it's not some heavily skewed thing where doctors are right like 99% of the time and I'm just trying to be technically right. Doctors are heavily compromised as well (not as much as insurance companies mind you). Doctors prescribe drugs/treatments all the time that either don't work or there's a cheaper more effective option. Don't put anyone on some pedestal, every player in the system is compromised.
Then come get us... if you can.
It's the paradox of tolerance, how do you deal with it? The US found the answer... you don't tolerate those who would use the system to destroy it.
I didn't claim that. I said the price can be up to over 1k per month for the uninsured/uncovered, and that the cost to the insurer-- according to one estimate-- is as high as 8k per year.
No pedestals required. A system has to trust someone to make these calls. Someone with medical training and expertise > someone without any of that, but with a profit motive to deny or overcharge.
And absolutely anyone > you, since you keep trying to make sweeping statements on the validity and usefulness of prescriptions.
"Nobody can destroy the system if we destroy it first!"
If that's the US's answer, It would equally justify someone else taking similar actions to protect against the US.
? Obviously.
Yet most other (less moronic) leaders have recognised that the realpolitik system doesn't warrant seizing sovereign territories under the auspices of national security.
He's suggesting much the same thing as Putin has tried since 2008. Worked well for him, eh?
Don't worry about it. He wants lower rates from Panama, lower foreign tariffs, a better deal from Canada, less Chinese involvement, and no Chinese military bases in Greenland. If he were to invade, he would have to fire large sections of the US military's officer corps, and many conservatives would be against it.
It's not even close to that estimate.
You can base approvals on studies saying what is the most effective treatments. Doctors aren't very good at knowing those things either.
Again, you're not arguing with me, everything I can cite an expert in the field saying.
Look, we all know how this (theoretically) works. Someone wants a job done, tenders go in and the winner is whoever offers the best deal. So if Chinese companies are taking over resource extraction rights in Greenland and mining stuff, then Chinese companies presumably offered the best deal.
I think the USA can absolutely argue that it does not want China to have those rights and those mines. Except the USA presumably doesn't want to pay for that. The USA appears to be metaphorically saying to Greenland (Denmark) "Hey, we don't want you to deal with China, and btw, you're also going to have to pay the cost for a shittier deal". Unsurprisingly, the answer to that might be... "Fuck you: you want something from us, you pay for it."
So what's the USA going to offer? Sweeten the deal for a non-Chinese operator, like a good capitalist.
The problem is it's an uneven playing field. China will dump rare earth, steel, etc. into the markets, and heavily subsidize it at a loss. The second point is that they already own the vast majority of the rare earths market. Once they own every rare earth mine in the world they can just become a cartel like OPEC+ and charge monopoly rents/super high prices and they will then use their influence to lobby/buy off every other competitor and keep their monopoly. The problem with progressives is that they have no coherent ideology/message to address this. They are still arguing that the banana republic tactics of the US didn't work when it did work and the US consumer pays a lot less for bananas. They don't understand my field of economics. Monopsonies(Single buyer systems like the US forcing banana republics to form) are bad, and monopolies are bad. One forces lower prices which hurts the producer, and the other hurts the consumers with high prices.
The problem with conservatives is they want to point a gun(military invasion) at everyone who does this.
No, that is incidental, as Hannibal Lecter might say. He wants fame, sycophancy, and to avoid prosecution. If any of those things are better served by selling the US out, he'll turn on a dime, as he has on Russia.
I'm quite sure he won't actually invade any of these territories. He'll entertain the idea of seizing them for a while, bandy the idea about, perhaps threaten them, and perhaps pursue trade policies that are mutually disadvantageous. I expect that'll be it.
...according to another estimate.
You want to judge individual need on studies that aren't specific to the individual, and cut out the only people who actually provide medical care to them personally? This might be in the top 10 most foolish things you've ever suggested, and it's a very competitive field.
I don't expect you can find a single medical expert who wants to cut doctors out of the prescription process.
Literally the only relevant thing you've cited an expert for was an estimate of the cost to insurance companies. An estimate I haven't disputed-- just contextualised as one estimate among several.
You're saying the Novo Nordisk CEO (I think, don't feel like looking up who testified) perjured himself when testifying you Congress?
Several things are usually automatically denied the 1st time because it's takes additional explanation to get approved.
I didn't say to cut doctors out of the prescription process. They need checks against them just like any other thing. I cited Vinay Prasad about doctors being a broken part of the system. I cited Sarah Hallberg about diabetes.